Wednesday, December 24, 2008
Sri Lanka hampers aid to displaced
The Associated Press
Published: December 23, 2008
COLOMBO, Sri Lanka: Sri Lankan civilians living in rebel-held areas are facing severe shortages of food, shelter and clean water due to government restrictions on aid workers in the region, an international rights group said Tuesday.
The report from New York-based Human Rights Watch came amid a major government offensive against the Tamil Tiger rebels that has sparked bloody battles across the north and displaced more than 200,000 civilians, according to aid groups.
Government troops launched a concerted attack against rebel fortifications Monday that killed 57 insurgents and 10 soldiers, the military said. The Tamil Tigers said more than 100 soldiers were killed in the fighting.
With violence escalating in recent months, the government forced nearly all foreign aid workers to evacuate from rebel-held areas in September. Since then, it has allowed convoys of international aid into the area.
But there have been major shortfalls in food deliveries in recent months, with as little as 40 percent of the required aid reaching those in need, Human Rights Watch said in the report. In addition, tens of thousands of families require temporary shelters but the government will not allow aid groups to send in the needed supplies, even after a November cyclone destroyed the shelters of at least 60,000 people, the report said.
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The civilians are also facing shortages of water and sanitation supplies, the group said, calling on the government to urgently let the aid groups return to the north.
Government officials said they were working tirelessly to get aid to the civilians in the area amid the fighting.
"The actual situation is tense and it is complicated but with these complications we are doing are best," said defense spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella.
Human Rights Watch also criticized the government's treatment of the estimated 1,000 civilians who managed to cross the front lines and flee the rebel areas known as the Vanni. The report accused the government, which has repeatedly called on civilians to flee to government-controlled areas, of arbitrarily detaining those that do.
"The government's 'welfare centers' for civilians fleeing the Vanni are just badly disguised prisons," said Brad Adams, the group's Asia director. "The sad irony is that many of those now detained by the government were fleeing (rebel) abuses. This detention policy is hurting the very people that the government should be helping."
The report came a week after the rights group accused the rebels of forcibly conscripting civilians living under their control and making others work under abusive conditions. That report also accused the rebels of preventing civilians from fleeing across the front lines.
Both sides have repeatedly been criticized by international rights groups for abuses during their 25-year-old civil war.
Monday, December 22, 2008
96 Lankan refugee families get houses
96 Lankan refugee families get houses
TIRUNELVELI: Of the 208 families living in the Naranammalpuram Sri Lankan refugee camp, 96 families, which are living in a 150-year-old dingy go down, have got houses.
The houses were constructed by the Catholic Relief Services (CRS) at a cost of Rs. 1.15 crore on 8.50 hectares of land near Gangaikondan, close to the Tirunelveli–Madurai National Highway.
The decision to construct permanent shelters for these families was taken when government officials visited the camp in mid-2007 to see the pathetic condition of the people in the go down, once used by the British to store ammunition.
Collector G. Prakash identified 20 hectares of land and it was immediately handed over to the Tirunelveli Social Service Society (TSSS) through which the CRS completed the construction within 14 months.
Each house with a plinth area of 200 square feet has a hall, a kitchen and a toilet-cum-bathroom. Though groundwater is very good there, two taps have also been installed in each street to provide drinking water. A playground and park are also available. A ration shop has been established.
“The CRS and the TSSS should consider our request for construction of similar houses for the remaining 112 families as we are prepared to give the land,” said Minister for Backward Classes K.K.S.S.R. Ramachandran after receiving the houses from Deputy National Representative of CRS Rev. Fr. Celestine and RC Bishop of Palayamkottai Diocese, the Most Rev. A. Jude Paulraj.
Mr. Ramachandran said the State Government, which had already forwarded a proposal for Rs. 17 crore to the Centre for renovating the houses of 19,598 refugee families with 73,522 persons living in 100-odd camps across the State, was preparing another proposal for Rs. 30 crore. Thanking the CRS and TSSS, the Minister said that construction of 100 houses each in Nattarasankottai and Kaangayam was about to start soon.
“This colony will be a model for other refugee camps which will get houses in a phased manner,” he noted.
Minister for Environment, Youth Welfare and Sports T.P.M. Maideen Khan, who handed over two volleyballs and nets to the youth of the colony, said tennikoit and volleyball courts would be established in all refugee camps.
Mr. Prakash said roads would be laid and electricity provided to the colony within 15 days.
Former Rehabilitation Commissioner Karpoorasundara Pandian, Rehabilitation Commissioner Mohan Pyare, Deputy National Representative of CRS, Rev. Fr. Celestine and RC Bishop of Palayamkottai Diocese, Most Rev. A. Jude Paulraj, MLAs V. Karuppasamy Pandian and N. Maalairaja, Director of TSSS Rev. Fr. A. Joseph Kennedy and others spoke. (Hindu)
The refugee problem: Looking toward Afghanistan's long-term stability
Source: Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
Date: 10 Dec 2008
Number 125
Elizabeth Parker Elizabeth Parker is a former research intern with the South Asia Program at CSIS
Nearly three decades after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan sent some 3.5 million refugees into exile in Pakistan, nearly 2 million are still there. The refugees' own meager assets, lack of education and skills, compounded by Afghanistan's lack of infrastructure to accommodate returnees, have made returning an unattractive option. The refugees represent a political and economic strain on Pakistan today; if they return, they will add to the stresses in Afghanistan. The result is a continuing policy problem for the United States.
Tensions on the Ground: The refugees are concentrated in the two provinces bordering Afghanistan, the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP) and Baluchistan. These are the least prosperous areas in Pakistan, with the lowest human development statistics and educational achievements. Most live in camps, supported by international assistance. Some have been able to find jobs outside the camps through family networks, but most remain unemployed, which presents its own set of problems in an economy that has had little job creation in recent years. Some 74 percent of the refugees are under 28 years of age and have never lived in Afghanistan. Their relationship with the Pakistani government and the provincial authorities are strained. In addition to the cost of hosting refugees for nearly 30 years, the Pakistani government is increasingly concerned by the ability of extremist groups to infiltrate and mold refugee populations.
The View from Islamabad: The Pakistani government sees the refugee problem as a drain on resources and a security threat and wants them to return to Afghanistan. Pakistan has not signed the 1967 Protocol on the Status of Refugees and has no legislation that recognizes refugees. At this point, the Foreigners Act, which makes employment of unregistered foreigners illegal, is the only legal framework applying to refugees. Those Afghans who have identity cards are exempt from its provisions. The rest of the refugee population continues to be assessed for protection needs and an extension of refugee status. Islamabad has agreed that the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) should manage the majority of refugee affairs, but it has made clear its wish that refugees be repatriated to Afghanistan as soon as possible. Despite the strain that Afghan refugees place on resources, simply returning refugees to Afghanistan is insufficient. For the long-term stability of Pakistan, returnees need to be successfully reintegrated into Afghan society so that they are not susceptible to extremists nor seek to return to Pakistan.
In January 2007, Pakistan primeminister Shaukat Aziz expressed the Pakistani government's desire that all Afghan refugees still in Pakistan should repatriate and reiterated the government's plan to selectively fence and mine the border between the two countries to restrict the movement of high-risk individuals. The Pakistani government has repeatedly clashed with Afghan refugees over efforts to enhance border security and encourage repatriation. Most efforts have taken the form of camp closures, an approach that is particularly resented by the refugee population. Relations worsened last year as Pakistani police searched door-to-door, resulting in the expulsion of unregistered refugees. Confiscation of property and documents, threats of fines for individuals renting property to refugees, and camp closures were documented. Confrontations followed in April 2007, when refugees stoned a UNHCR repatriation center in Baluchistan and police responded violently. The closure of Katcha Garhi camp near Peshawar and Jungle
Pir Alizai camp in Baluchistan led to more violence with refugee deaths resulting in clashes with police. Despite these challenges, most refugees continue to stay in camps; only 63,000 of the 175,000 displaced refugees from the closure of Jalozai refugee village are willing to repatriate.
Roadblocks to Repatriation: Despite the challenges of living as an Afghan refugee in Pakistan, roughly four-fifths of refugees are unwilling to return, citing security concerns. But this was not always the case. Following the 2001 fall of the Taliban, more than 3.5 million Afghans repatriated from Iran and Pakistan, an operation that marks one of the UNHCR's most successful repatriation efforts in its 54-year history. However, since 2004, repatriation numbers have dropped off, with most refugees citing security, shelter, employment, health, education, and nutrition—in that order—as reasons for not repatriating. In 2007, economic concerns outstripped voluntary repatriation.
Repatriation is expensive. Most of the funding is being provided by international agencies and foreign governments. In 2007, UNHCR spent more than $70 million in Afghanistan, up from about $47 million in 2006, from shelter assistance to legal aid and the provision of basic health services. During the height of repatriation efforts, between FY2002 and FY2005, the United States spent $332.37 million on humanitarian assistance for refugees and returnees. In 2008, Japan pledged $10 million toward repatriation expenses, while the Pakistani government pledged $20 million in 2007 for repatriation efforts.
These efforts have been severely hampered by in-country challenges. The UNHCR, the international community, and the Afghan government have struggled to achieve the goals outlined in the January 2006 Afghanistan Compact, which include increasing security, reducing drug use, establishing effective governance, and improving economic and social development. Domestic political tensions, governance challenges, and poor synchronization on the part of international actors have all contributed to the failure of achieving these goals.
The worsening security situation in Afghanistan has further exacerbated the overall stability in the country. There were more security incidents in 2007 than any preceding year since the fall of the Taliban. As a result of these challenges, Afghan NGOs are responsible for monitoring many areas, as international development and humanitarian groups can reach only half the country.
Another challenge for Afghan refugees returning to Afghanistan is the limited infrastructure in cities and towns all over the country to support the increasing population. The vast majority of refugees return to Kabul and the eastern provinces. While refugees tend to think of Kabul as a city of opportunity, Afghan officials have expressed concern at the burden that returning Afghans place on the city's infrastructure. Over the past six years, Kabul's population has increased substantially from 1 million to almost 4.5 million, while its physical size has only grown by 35 percent. Most refugees are laborers and do not possess the skills required for high-skill well-paying jobs. So as impoverished Afghans move to Kabul, they fill and expand the poorest areas of the cities, leading to an increase in slums.
With assistance from Kabul, the UNHCR is in charge of almost all the logistics involved in repatriation efforts. But although the number of repatriating Afghans in 2007 was down to 160,000 registered and 206,000 unregistered individuals, the actual rehabilitation projects UNHCR is taking on have become more complex. As per the Afghanistan National Development Strategy, the UNHCR supports efforts to accommodate the needs of returnees, 46 percent of whom face housing problems and 28 percent of whom do not have stable incomes. In 2007, the UNHCR provided shelter assistance to more than 9,700 returnee families, resolved almost half of all cases presented to legal aid centers in 21 Afghan provinces, offered vaccinations and emergency medical support to returnees, and provided a nominal $100 grant to all returnees.
The Role of the Afghan Government: The Afghan government's meager resources and implementation capacity are badly stretched and are focused almost exclusively on the ongoing war. In practice, refugee issues have low priority. Returnees are in dire need of shelter, employment, and basic provisions, commodities that Kabul is unable to provide in sufficient quantity. This situation is likely to continue until the country stabilizes, an unlikely event in the near future. The UNHCR has taken over responsibility for returnees and is assisting the Afghan government. It is apparent that for the next few years, despite good intentions, the Afghan government will be unable to provide refugees with substantive assistance and will struggle to provide services for the growing refugee population.
Washington's Perspective: Washington and Islamabad have both expressed concerns over the security challenges that a displaced and potentially dissatisfied group can represent. Some refugee camps have allegedly become recruiting grounds for extremists. Taliban insurgents are alleged by Pakistani officials to have infiltrated four border camps, using them as bases to attack U.S. forces in Afghanistan. Discontent in Afghanistan over security and economic misery are already strong; a rootless refugee population runs the risk of adding to it, with risks to the Afghan government.
Concerns over the progress of the war in Afghanistan have intensified in Washington. The problems of the refugees are secondary, but they also serve as one barometer of the restoration of normalcy in Afghanistan and of the sustainability of economic and political conditions in Pakistan. At the moment, the problem is likely to get worse in both places before it gets better. The refugees most willing to repatriate and easiest to integrate into Afghanistan have already returned, which means that creating a security situation sufficiently safe to persuade refugees to return is getting more challenging over time. Until the security situation improves, Washington will need to continue funding enough services to placate both the returnees and the refugee population that remains in Pakistan.
South Asia Monitor is published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues। Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). © 2008 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. © The Center for Strategic & International Studies
Sunday, December 21, 2008
Japan has finally announced that it will start to accept resettlement
Tokyo - Japan has decided to accept about 30 Myanmar refugees who areliving in camps in Thailand, officials said on Thursday, marking a newstage in Tokyo's acceptance of refugees.
While small by global standards, the number is significant for Japan,which only accepts dozens of refugees each year and imposes tightrestrictions on immigration.
Around 120,000 Myanmar refugees live in nine camps along the border withThailand, most of who have fled crackdowns by Myanmar's junta on ethnicarmies.
A United Nations-led resettlement plan launched in 2005 has offered morethan 38,000 Myanmar refugees an opportunity to start new lives overseas,mostly in the United States.
Japan said it was ready to take part in the plan, as Japanese PrimeMinister Taro Aso met in Tokyo with Antonio Guterres, the UN HighCommissioner for Refugees.
'As Thailand bans the Myanmar refugees from going outside their camps, itis hoped that the international community can accept them and allow themto lead normal lives,' Cabinet Office official Junko Yamaji said.It will mark the first time that Japan accepts refugees already living inanother country, she said.
'The difference between the conventional acceptance of refugees and theresettlement is that the refugees don't have to come to Japan to apply forrefugee status,' she added.
Japan plans to start the project in the 2010 fiscal year but has yet todecide where the refugees will live or how to support them.
Japan has been a major donor to the UN refugee agency but has also comeunder fire for not extending more of a welcome mat. -- AFP
Australia opens detention Centre
The Australian government has decided to open a controversial new detention centre on Christmas Island, reversing its previous policy on the issue.
The centre was commissioned by the previous government, and completed a few months ago. The new administration had been resisting pressure to open it.
But seven boatloads of asylum seekers have been intercepted trying to reach Australia in the past three months.
Analysts say the government is struggling with the influx of people.
'Bleak and forbidding'
When Kevin Rudd took power in 2007, he was quick to distance himself from the former government's policy of detaining all asylum seekers.
He inherited the new 800-bed, A$400m (£182m) Christmas Island facility, but resisted using it, saying it was unsuitable for families.
Refugee advocates who have toured the facility describe it as extremely harsh, and say that it resembles a prison.
"It's bleak, it's forbidding, it's a long way from the rest of the community on Christmas Island and it's a very unwelcoming place," Human Rights Commissioner Graeme Innes told local radio.
But 164 asylum seekers have been caught trying to enter the country since January, up from 148 last year, and the authorities have decided to open the centre anyway.
Thirty-seven men - believed to be a mix of Afghans and Middle Eastern nationals - will arrive there over the weekend, having been intercepted in an unauthorised boat off the north-east of Darwin on Tuesday.
Women and children will not be held at the new facility, according to a spokesman for the Immigration Department.
Soft touch?
When Mr Rudd took office, he brought in a number of changes to his predecessor John Howard's hard-line migration policy.
New immigration minister Chris Evans ended Mr Howard's "Pacific Solution" - in which asylum seekers were all detained in offshore facilities on Manus Island in Papua New Guinea or in Nauru.
He also instigated new regulations giving asylum seekers access to lawyers, limiting the detention period to 12 months and issuing permanent visas instead of three-year visas to qualifying refugees.
The opposition claims that this liberalisation of the country's asylum policies has made Australia more attractive to migrants, and also people smugglers.
But Mr Rudd's Labor government insists the policy changes are not to blame for the latest boat arrivals.
Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7791536.सतं
The newly- married Sinhalese couple, who landed at Arichamunai under the guise of refugees.
RAMANATHAPURAM: Arrival of Sinhala refugees from the Talaimannar coast in Sri Lanka to Dhanushkodi in the southern coast of Tamil Nadu is a rare phenomenon.
Sharuha Bilkani (18) and Dushra Chandana, Sinhalese hailing from Colombo, landed at Arichamunai on Friday night with the hope of starting a new life in a new environment. Though their arrival is termed first of its kind by officials who have been dealing with the Sri Lankan refugees for the last 10 years, it has generated curiosity among refugees and officials. They were reportedly given asylum by a Tamil family in Vavuniya when their parents opposed their love marriage. On arrival, they initially told the police that Chandana was a Tamil from Vavuniya. However, interrogation revealed that both were Sinhalese and had eloped from Colombo.
They claimed to have met at a driving school in Colombo, where Sharuha was taught driving by Chandana. Later, they decided to marry. In the wake of parental opposition, Chandana’s close friend, a Tamil, sent them to his house in Vavuniya. The ongoing war forced them to seek asylum in Tamil Nadu. Vasantha Mari, with whom the couple landed at Arichamunai, told the police that they did not want to go back to Colombo fearing danger to their lives. They had come to India with a group of 19 refugees.
Authorities have decided to file a case against them for violating the Indian Passport Act. S. Kamalabai, Deputy Superintendent of Police, Rameswaram, told The Hindu that if they were Tamils they could be granted the status of refugees. In this case, it was not possible to treat them as refugees.
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Tuesday, December 9, 2008
It would be a harrowing experience even for an adult, but for a two and a half year old child to be abandoned in a foreign land by her own mother would have been nothing less than terrifying. Little Dulakshi Dumesha Ratnayake was the unfortunate child who suffered this plight when she was taken away to Japan by her mother, without the consent of her father, only to be abandoned in an apartment in Tokyo.
It took a good Sri Lankan samaritan to finally fly her back home more than a year later and have her reunited with her father on Friday.
A picture of happiness: Roshani, the good samaritan and Dulakshi with her father
The saga began in May last year, when the girl’s mother left Sri Lanka for Japan, taking the child with her. The girl had lived with the mother in an apartment till August this year. However, for some unknown reason, the girl was abandoned by the mother and it was the Immigration and Emigration office in Shinagawa, Tokyo that took the child under its care and placed her in an orphanage where she stayed for four months.
The Tokyo Immigration office had close contacts with a Sri Lankan businesswoman Roshani Ichihara, proprietor of Ichiro Motoring Pvt Limited, and they had informed her about the abandoned child and had requested her if possible to track down at least one parent.
The untiring efforts of this woman paid off and on Friday there was a happy reunion back in Sri Lanka between Dulakshi and her father.
“My wife Nadee Kalpana Ranasinghe took the child and left for Japan on May 22, last year. From that day onwards I had no information about my wife or daughter. I was desperate,” C.Jayaratne, the child’s father told us when we met him at the airport.
Later, he said when he got to know that his wife had left him for good, he filed for divorce in the Mawanella district court. “Last July, a friend of mine in Japan, Udaya Wijeratne informed me that my daughter was with the Immigration and Emigration office in Japan. He also told me about Roshani and her efforts to reunite my daughter with her parents. On my part I went to the Foreign Ministry several times to get more information but they always told me they had nothing on her,” he said.
Speaking to The Sunday Times, Roshani said if not for the lethargy and indifference of Sri Lankan embassy officials in Japan Dulakshi would have been reunited with her father much earlier.
Dulakshi sharing happy moments at the orphanage
“ Some immigration officers in Japan told me about a little Sri Lankan girl who had been found tied to a hard object and being fed like an animal. I told an acquaintance of mine who travelled frequently from Sri Lanka to Japan to try and locate her family,” she said. Roshani whose husband is also Japanese tried to locate the child’s mother in Japan.
“Luckily, we met Udaya who knew the little girl’s father. We were in constant touch with the father after we were able to locate him through this acquaintance,” she said.
All the necessary documents to bring back Dulakshi from Japan were submitted to the Foreign Ministry here and a power of attorney obtained from the father was handed over to the Sri Lankan embassy in Japan.
However, in spite of all the documents being in place Roshani said even at the last moment embassy officials were stalling the process.
“I got the child from the orphanage on Wednesday but I had to wait for an embassy official to give the final approval. A female embassy official came to the premises about on and a half hour’s later and told me that the child could not be entrusted to me. However, eventually permission was granted, “ she said.Roshani said she was surprised by the sudden concern of the embassy after showing little concern over the welfare of the little girl all that time.
Saturday, December 6, 2008
Rising strife in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka is boosting the number of people using smugglers to reach Australia, Immigration Minister Chris Evans says।
As well, officials are seeing an increasing number of unaccompanied children on intercepted boats.
In the latest arrival, a vessel carrying 35 suspected asylum seekers was spotted off Ashmore Island, north-west of Western Australia, late on Tuesday.
The boat was the fifth to make it to Australian waters in recent months.
But 15 have been stopped in Indonesia in an operation led by Indonesian police, with the assistance of Australian Federal Police (AFP).
Australian officials were working hard to disrupt the people smugglers and respond to their new tactics, Senator Evans said.
Changed conditions in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka were pushing out people in both countries.
"The situation in Afghanistan has got very bad and as a result people are looking to flee," he told reporters.
"That is putting a lot of pressure as people seek to flee to Indonesia as a stepping stone to Australia."
Senator Evans said the intercepted boats were carrying many unaccompanied minors. "People have bought their eldest son a ticket." (AAP)
Tom Allard in Jakarta
Unaccompanied children are increasingly turning up as asylum seekers on vessels attempting to cross from Indonesia to Australia, the Immigration Minister, Chris Evans, said yesterday.
People-smugglers charge upto $18,000 for the trip from the Middle East and Sri Lanka, meaning families can sometimes only afford to send one member.
“People have bought the eldest son a ticket,” Senator Evans said.
This week, Indonesian police stopped a boat as it was about to depart from West Timor to Australia. Among the 13 asylum-seekers detained was a nine-year-old and two 17-year- olds. Other boats that have made it to Australia have also included minors.
Senator Evans said people-smugglers were changing tactics to avoid detection by police. This included moving asylum seekers quickly from Indonesia onto a boat headed for Australia.
“They are people who have been put, if you like, on a fast track through third countries like Malaysia, brought in quickly to Indonesia,” he said.
“Some of them have only been on a beach for a couple of hours before they get on a boat.” Senator Evans praised Indonesian police after the arrest this week of Haj Sakih, an alleged people-smuggling ringleader detained on Wednesday night. He also said the Australian Federal Police assisted in the operation to detain Sakih.
Wednesday, December 3, 2008
By Victor Khambil
The rain is pouring down with the lightning reinforcing it, as if coalition forces are bombing the terrorist hideouts in Tora Bora. The boisterous sound of a thunderbolt is shaking the earth as if another bomb is exploding. The sun is completely engulfed by the thick darkening fog. The rainy season is accompanying Mr. Monsoon from the south-west into the hilly region of Chinland and is trumpeting with a thundering voice to all the Chin people to announce that it is time to start their farming - from sowing the seeds to herding domestic animals into pens - while all the creeks and rivers are flooding down. Wives and daughters are busy with preparing rice, matches, scimitars, pick-axes, hoes, locally rolled cigarettes, local pump-guns, and rucksacks for the month long absences of their husbands and fathers who will head out to farm soon.
Pu Lai Mang turned to his youngest daughter and kissed her a couple of times before leaving his family for their paddy field. “Papa, bring many fish home when you come back," said his little daughter. Pu Lai Mang has been living with his wife Pi Tial Sung for forty years and the couple is blessed with seven children - four young daughters and three elder sons. The neighbours love Pu Lai Mang as if he is their father too. Pu Lai Mang is an illiterate but largely knowledgeable person in terms of rural society. He is strong, open-minded, undisguised and full of muscles even if he has reached 60.
A small creek on which Pu Lai Mang and the villagers have been depending upon for their survival for decades is swelling to the satisfaction of all, as it will provide them with enough water to plough and safeguard their sowing seeds throughout the rainy season. The rain is still dropping unstoppably when Pu Lai Mang reached his paddy-field. After praying in his little hut, he went out to walk around the paddy-field. Suddenly, he saw a group of people with full military fatigues on the other side of the creek. Three young men beckoned Pu Lai to come near them, speaking in Chin, Lai dialect, with a full accent. “Ka pu, zang fah te in na bawm kho lai maw?“. Uncle, could you please help us? Pu Lai Mang directly approached them as he was so sure that they are not enemies, but relatives, or his beloved Chin sons. “What can I help you with, sons?" asked Pu Lai Mang. “We are in trouble as one of our colleagues got very sick and we need your help," said a man from the group. “Go to the upper side of the river as there is a small wooden bridge which you can cross over to reach my hut," said Pu Lai. He went towards the bridge himself and waited for them. The group of four young men brought a boy who looked pale and weak. “We are the Chin National Army, my name is Pa Kung," said the man who seemed to be the group leader. Escorting them into his hut, Pu Lai first invited them to pray, saying “Let us pray, sons. God is with us, he will be fine." All the young men were nodding their heads together in front of Pu Lai who prayed loudly to God. After finishing the prayer, he asked, “By the way, what are you guys doing in the rain with this boy?" He was chiding the rest of the boys as if they were his own children. “Uncle, we have been walking 18 days by today as we are heading to the border," said Pa Kung. "The boy got sick last week, and we are now left with no medicines," said Pa Kung to Pu Lai as if he is also talking to his own uncle.
“Okay, sons, you cook for yourself here tonight. Here is rice, frying oil, bag of salt and a fowl which I shot on my way here," said Pu Lai. After telling them all they have to do, Pu Lai prepared himself to go home in order to find a way to help his sick son. He went straight to a local midwife's house and spent about an hour there before leaving with her hastily rushing back to Pu Lai's farm. The family of Pu Lai did not even know that he had come to the village and accompanied the midwife Pi Par Chin back to his farm. Pu Lai was carrying a bag for Pi Par Chin. Upon arrival at his hut, Pi Par Chin was greeted by all the boys with genuine respect, but they hid their deep feeling of thanks for her assistance. Pi Par Chin said, "Brother, lie down with your face upward - which part is pain?" The boy pointed to the right side of his stomach. “Why are you guys all still bleeding?" Interrupted Pu Lai while Pi Par Chin was assisting the boy. “Uncle, you know jungle leeches are terrible and big enough to suck us dry," said the other young boy as he was pulling down another big leech from his shin, having just come back from the creek after fetching water. “Brother, you need to rest for days," said Pi Par Chin, with tears pooling in her eyes. Pu Lai suddenly asked what they should do. After feeding him a bunch of medical tablets, Pi Par Chin advised that the boy be secretly brought to the village. The boy needs a long, long rest.
At midnight, the boy was brought to the village under the glimmering torchlight and sheltered at Pu Cung Kam’s house, as Pu Cung Kam is chairman of the village council. At dawn, the boy passed away. All the villagers came out in their surprise and viewed the face of a young boy who they had never seen before in the village. “Who is he?" "How did he die here?" people are asking each other. Pu Lai Mang was hugging the boy’s neck and weeping over the body as if he had lost his own son. Pi Par Chin was explaining to the villagers how the boy died as she shed tears. Pu Cung Kam was busy preparing for how the body would be buried. Few of the villagers knew that the boy was from Matupi township. In a hastily fetched, scratched bamboo coffin, the body of the boy was placed and shrouded with a khaki blanket while surrounded by local elder women. An old grandmother who was covering herself from her head was stooping down to the body and lamenting as below:
Oh! My charming son, what brought you here
Strong like a lion, beautiful as a reindeer
You outclassed all stars in the skies,
Well done over your enemies.
Oh! My dear, firmly erected mast in the wind
You’re my hero and the hero of Chinland
You’re standing for all, guarding in front
One for all, all for one.
One week after the body was laid to rest, the fiercest military regime on earth sent a platoon to the village and summoned every villager out to the village primary school, where the captain had tied three persons like pigs ready for market. Pu Lai Mang, Pu Cung Kam and Pi Par Chin were tied up like a bundle ready to be shipped out abroad in front of all the villagers. No one knew how the Myanmar military directly identified the three persons who had helped the boy who recently passed away. The villagers stood in total surprise and bafflement. In their heart, they murmured, "They are innocent, completely innocent. How on earth could these three persons be guilty?" They rebel against no one. Last year, a Myanmar military soldier was very sick and he was looked after by Pu Cung Kam’s family. Pu Cung Kam was even rewarded by a patrolling military commander with an expensive jacket that no other villager can wear, because of his humanitarian assistance to a soldier. Is humanity a guilt? Helplessly stuck between two armed rivals but living with genuine humanity, the villagers were fallen victims to looting criminals for decades. No one is free from guilt in Myanmar as the military regime has made the country into a prison - the nation itself is a prison where innocent civilians are prisoners. These three villagers are innocent, but guilty under the guilty-minded military regime. It is sure that there is no way for them to get freedom as long as they are the prisoners in this prison-nation. They are just innocent but guilty civilians. They are already charged, not in the court, but in the mouth of military regime. No law rules over the military regime in Myanmar. Whatever comes out of the military's mouth is law for all citizens.
The sudden disappearance of the three most reliable persons from the village into the hands of monsters within a split second is a shocking mystery. However, these innocent villagers do not know that they all are innocently guilty before the Myanmar military regime and can be whisked away by monsters at anytime. With just a speck of suspicion the Myanmar military can punish with death. This men-hunting-thugs-ruled-nation will spare no creature shackled with their chain of suspicion. Living with the twenty-four seven haunting of evils in this hilly region of Chin State, where innocence and justice are eclipsed into military regime lawlessness, the saying of “All Men Are Created Equal” is written on a flying paper blowing away in the wind.
The mourning of all the villagers over the losses of the beloved boy, and the mother and fathers of the village into the hand of military criminals desperately clouded the brightest sky. Agonizing in the pain of innocent but guilty, the whimpering sound of the villagers is wholly engulfed with the unstoppable thunderstorm and monsoon rain pouring down heavily from the sky. The heavy rain soaking the whole earth can not wash the pain of the hearts of all the villagers, but only pushes it deeper and deeper into the scarred feeling of all who are left behind with no future.
After two years, since the disappearance of the three villagers, a young Chin boy came by himself to the village and verbally informed the family of Pu Cung Kam about the demise of their father. Pu Cung Kam passed away after two years in a military forced labor camp in Sagaing Division. Pu Lai Mang has been transferred to other forced labour camp separate from Pu Cung Kam. Pu Lai will not know that his pal Pu Cung Kam passed away. The children of Pu Lai Mang left their schools as they can no longer afford it and determined to help their mother in the village. Pi Par Chin's whereabouts are still unknown.
Are they really guilty enough to end up in a Forced Labour Camp ?
Yes! They are guilty because this is a prison-nation called Myanmar.
e: mail: brajtokyo@yahoo.comThis email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it
The Arakan State of Burma, bordering Bangladesh, is inhabited by two
ethnic sister communities, the Rakhine Buddhist and the Rohingya
Muslim. The Rakhine Buddhists are the majority group while the
Rohingya Muslims are minority group. The Rohingyas numbering
approximately 1.5 million, enduring continued persecution and the
ethnic cleansing policy of military regime in Burma. Also about 1.5
million Rohingyas have been living in exile in many countries all
over the world. The Rohingyas in Burma continue to suffer from
several forms of restrictions and human rights violations. The
Rohingyas freedom of movement is severely restricted and right to
education is harshly deprived. The Rohingyas have effectively been
denied Burmese citizenship by the current SPDC military regime,
although the previous democratically elected governments had
recognized them as the citizens of Burma. They are also subjected to
various forms of extortion and arbitrary taxation; land
confiscation , forced eviction and house destruction and
restrictions on marriage. Rohingyas continue to be used as forced
labors on roads and at military security camps.
The Rohingyas, whose settlements in Arakan dated back to 788 AD, are
an ethnic group develops from different groups of people. They trace
their ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Persian, Turks, Mughals, Pathans,
Bangalees, Rakhine, Chakmas, Dutch and Portuguese.
Arab seafarers even during the pre-Islamic days. The descendants of
the mixed marriage between the local people and Arabs founded the
original nucleus of the Rohingyas in Arakan. The Rohingyas speak a
particular language mixed primarily with words from the Urdu, Hindi
and Arabic languages but also from the Bama, Rakhine and English
languages. The Rohingyas preserved their own heritage and culture
even with the impact of Buddhist environment.
was separated from Burma by impassable Arakan Yoma range. Before the
Burmese domination, Indo- Arian culture flourished and Indian people
settled in mass there. All early dynasties of Arakan were Indians.
All historic monuments inscriptions and religious edifices were
Indian in character. Here the Rohingyas are the descendants of Indo-
Arian people of early Arakan. Some of them, of course mixed with the
Rakhine. Until the 17th century, there were many colonies of Arab
traders in Arakarn. Rohingyes got the religious of Islam through
there direct contact with these Arabs.
15th to 18th centaury. It was highly influenced by Muslim culture.
The official language was Persian, the written language of Muslims
of that time. The basis of Muslim religious faith, the kalima was
inscribed on all of the coins. Almost all kings had Muslim titles.
Courteous, arm forces and personnel in many other fields were almost
all Muslims. So Rohingya Muslims are not migrant people as is
accused today by the military government of Burma. They are natives
of that region of Burma. The colonial British census records in 1825
A.D show one Muslim for every two Buddhists in Arakan. The year 1825
is a landmark in the history of Burma. All of Burma's constitution
and citizenship acts provide indigenous status to all people who
were permanently residing in Arakan or in the Union of Burma before
1825. So, above mentioned Muslims prior 1825 (before British
occupation of Burma) were counted as one of the lawfully indigenous
race's of Burma. But, today the military regime is blindly denying
historical reality and accusing all Rohingyas as to be Bangladeshi
illegal immigrants. It is a deliberate conspiracy on the part of
military government to make Rohingyas stateless.
fledge Burmese citizenship. There have been foreigner's acts and
foreigner's Registration Rules. Rohingyas were not required to
register under those acts and rules. According to the Burmese
Constitution's of 1947 and 1974, as well as according to 1948
Citizenship Acts, Rohingyas are Burmese citizens. Rohingyas enjoyed
public employment and obtained Burmese Passport. The Rohingyas got
the rights to elect and to be elected in all levels of
administrative institutions including parliament.
Arakan in 1947 (before the independence of Burma), excluding two
areas of Maungdaw and Buthidaung. After independence, however,
elections were held there; Mr.Sultan Ahmed and Mr. Abdul Ghaffar,
both Rohingyas, were elected from those two areas. From the holding
of the Constituent Assembly elections (1947) until the 1962 military
takeover, three parliamentary general elections were held for both
houses of Parliament in 1951, 1956, and 1960 respectively. In the
1951 general elections Rohingyas won 5 seats, four in the Lower
House, and one in the Upper House. The Rohingyas had no political
Party of their own. They stood either as independents or as
supporters of AFPFL. In 1956 and in the 1960 general elections
Rohingya retained all their five seats of north Arakan. Rohingyas
had parliamentarians, parliament secretaries, even ministerial
posts. Mr.Sultan Mahmood, Ex-Parliamentary Secretary, in the British-
India Legislative Assembly was inducted into the Cabinet of Former
Prime Minister U Nu as a Health minister in 1961.
Rohingyas were not only able to vote but were allowed to stand as
candidates, a right normally denied to non-citizens. The National
Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPHR), a Rohingya political
Party, won four seats, capturing all the constituencies in
Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Subsequently, the NDPHR was, like many
other political parties, which won seats in the 1990 elections,
deregistered by the military regime in March 1992.
The Rohingyas of Burma are vulnerable as they have no legal status
in their homeland and are considered non-citizens. The plight of the
Rohingyas demonstrate how people without citizenship rights in their
own country can be forced out and become refugees, leaving them
still vulnerable and without citizenship in their country of origin.
several fundamental principles of customary International Law
standards, has reduced the Rohingyas to the status of Stateless
people. Although the 1982 Citizenship law is also discriminatory
towards the vast majority of the Indian and Chinese populations of
Burma, as the promulgation of this law took place soon after the
exodus of Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh in 1978. Once the
refugees had been repatriated, this law was specifically designed
effectively to deny Rohingyas the right to a nationality. The 1982
Citizenship law has had the effect of rendering the vast majority of
Rohingyas ineligible to be Burma citizens. The law also makes no
provision in relation to stateless persons. (i.e. Rohingyas)
Act, which conferred equal right on all citizens, creates three
classes of citizen; full citizens, associate citizens and
naturalized citizens (the Rohingya don't qualify into any of these
three). The Rohingyas are not issued any new national identity cards
which are issued to other citizens. The withholding of citizenship
has become a mechanism for discrimination and persecution on the
basis of ethnicity. ID cards are very essential in all national
activities. ID cards must be carried at all times and a card number
has to be given when buying, or selling anything, staying overnight
with friends or relatives outside own council area, applying for any
civil service and professional post and other daily activities.
Rohingyas during the parliamentary governments or before SLORC/SPDC
regime has been confiscated by the authorities. The authorities had
issued Temporary Registration Cards (TRCs) to some Rohingyas in
Maungdaw and Buthidaung, locally known as "white cards" against
their protest. This was nothing but a design to degrade their
national status and put them in a state of uncertainty. In the past
few months the authorities in the capital Rangoon arrested and
detained several Rohingyas who had been living there for more than 4
decades and got National Scrutiny cards legally. The authorities are
extorting money from their family members and those who are unable
to pay are sent to jail.
leave their village, even if it is just to go another nearby
village. This has had serious repercussions on their livelihood and
food security, as they are often unable to seek employment outside
their village or trade goods and produce unless they have official
permission and obtain a pass which they must pay for .Most Rohingyas
cannot afford to pay on a regular basis for these permits. As two-
third of the Rohingyas is poor day laborers, the restrictions on
their movement also greatly affect their ability to find work in
other villages or towns.The constraints on freedom of movement are
one of the major problems facing Rohingyas. These restrictions
prevented people from seeking work in other villages, trading,
fishing or even attending a funeral of a relative or visiting a
doctor.
must obtain a local travel pass at the VPDC. If they need to go
further, for example to another township, they need to apply for a
different kind of travel permit at the Immigration department at the
Nasaka camp, the so- called "form 4". It is almost impossible for
Rohingyas of Maungdaw and Buthidaung to visit Sittwe, the capital
city of Rakhine State (Arakan). If Rohingya from Sittwe manage to
travel to north Rakhin State, it is extremely difficult for them to
return to their homes in Sittwe, let alone travel to Yangon.
human rights are contingent. Rohingyas' inability to travel freely
greatly inhibits their ability to earn a living, obtain proper
health care, and to seek higher education. In October 2004, over 165
Rohingya students were deprived of appearance in their supplementary
examination as they were denied issuing their travel document to go
to Sittwe by the authorities. The reason given was that DPDC
Chairman was directed not to issue any travel documents without the
knowledge of the Western Command Commander Brig.General Maung Oo
based in Ann town, Arakan state. The ordinary Rohingyas can hardly
think of going to Sittwe where students are sometimes allowed to
travel with the special travel permission from authorities under
very much humiliating conditions and by paying large sums of money.
disproportionate and discriminatory; they are imposed on all
Rohingyas because they are Rohingyas, not on members of other ethnic
nationalities in Rakhine State. They are broad and indiscriminate in
their application and such are unlawful. They have a severe negative
impact on the lives of thousands of Rohingyas who have not committed
any offence. Especially serious is the fact that these restrictions
constitute, in addition, violations of other basic human rights for
the Rohingyas including the right to work, and the right to an
adequate standard of living.
increase of forced labor and other violations of human rights. Still
forced Labor is phenomenal all over Arakan, particularly in the
Rohingya areas, although under increasing pressure from ILO. The
SPDC officials are extracting statements from the people that there
is no forced Labor .The armed forces routinely confiscate property,
cash, food and use coercive and abusive recruitment methods to
procure porters.
roads, bridges, embankments, pagodas and ponds.According to an
elder, the Rohingya villagers of Alay Thankyaw and Myint Hlut
village tracts of Maungdaw South have been engaged in forced Labor
at Na Ka Pa camp since 27th February 2005.The villagers have had to
plough the farm land and grow various vegetables, to construct
buildings of the camps, to carry woods from the forest to bake
bricks, to clean up the camp compounds everyday, and to repair the
damaged roads and the streets nearby the camps . Besides, since
January 2, 2005, the villagers have also to pay sentry guards for Na
Ka Pa along the rivers and seashores from 5pm to 6am everyday.
the Rohingya population as it leaves them with not enough time to do
their own work. The kind of forced labor that is requested and
frequency differs from place to place and appears to be related to
the attitude of local authorities and number of military or Na Sa Ka
camps near the village. Most of the times it is the poorest who must
undertake forced labor, as people who can afford it often are able
to pay a bribe to the authorities.
on the Rohingya population as the Rakhine population living in the
same areas appears to often be exempted from it. In Maungdaw and
Buthidaung and to a lesser degree in Rathidaung township, only
Rohingyas are normally required to perform forced labor .The forced
labor situation has become so excruciating that the Rohingyas have
been rendered jobless and shelter less.
establishment of "model villages", the construction or expansion of
Na Sa Ka, military and police camps and establishing plantations for
security forces and also for new settlers. Recently the process of
forced eviction had been intensified by the authorities.The military
regime policy of relocating Rakhine Buddhists and other non-
Rohingyas to especially established model villages to Northern
Arakan state has resulted in the confiscation of land from the
Rohingya population.
family receives four acres of land, a pair of oxen and house .These
model villages have been built on land that was confiscated from the
Rohingya population. Houses and health centers in the model villages
are built by forced labor by the Rohingya. The majority of people in
model villages do not cultivate the land allocated to them and
instead rent it out to Rohingya farmers, in some cases the same
people from whom the land was originally confiscated. The
confiscation of land from Rohingyas to build model villages deprives
them of opportunities to sustain their livelihood as these are rice
field, shrimp farms grazing grounds for their cattle. Furthermore,
the Rohingya population of nearby villages is often forced to build
the houses and other facilities of the model villages without pay.
They had to provide the building materials as well.
Sa Ka have also led to land confiscation. Moreover the Na Sa Ka has
confiscated land for commercial purposes, mainly to establish shrimp
farms but also rice fields for themselves. The Rohingya never
receive compensation and are also forced to work on the same fields
that were confiscated from them. Since 2002 the Na Sa Ka intensified
in strictly implement land use policies and this has led to numbers
of evictions of Rohingyas from their homes. Due to population
growth, some families built their houses on land registered as paddy
fields decades ago. Recently they have been issued with expulsion
orders and forced to dismantle their homes.
they evicted 40 houses in a village near Maungdaw. Eighteen families
protested and refused to dismantle their houses. They were arrested
and sent to Buthidaung jail. They are still there. They detained
mostly the head of the family but they also jailed some women, even
one pregnant woman. She gave birth inside the jail. They were not
given any other place to go. These have forced the Rohingyas to
become increasingly landless, internally displaced, to eventually
starve them out to cross the border into Bangladesh. The right to
housing is a basic right which is a fundamental component of the
right to an adequate standard of living and central to the enjoyment
of other human rights.
Restrictions on Marriage of Rohingyas Since the creation of Na Sa Ka
in 1992, the authorities in Northern Rakhine State have forcefully
introduced a regulation that the Rohingyas are required to ask for
permission to get married. This restriction is only enforced on the
Muslim in this area and not on the Buddhist Rakhine population, nor
any of the other ethnic minority groups living in the region. In
fact, there are no written rules or procedures for the marriages of
Rohingyas. All are verbal orders but they are to be followed without
question. Non-compliance is resulted in heavy punishment.
couple has further intensified. The marriageable age is at 18 for
girls and 20-25 for boys. Marriages need to be solemnized with the
consent and sometimes, in the presence of the army officers. It is
near impossible for the intended couples and their guardians to
observe all the formalities which include medical tests,
recommendations from various administrative departments and army
commanders including Na Sa Ka border security forces and other law
enforcing agencies and police.
taxes from Rohingyas who request for permission to get married. The
authorities also appear to have limited the number of permissions
given each year. People have had to wait for two to three years to
get permission, even after paying large sums of money, and they had
to go to the Na Sa Ka camp several times for it. In general,
Rohingya couples must pay a substantial amount of money to the Na Sa
Ka varying from 50,000 to 300,000 Kyats. Usually the bride and groom
must each pay the same amount of money. After payment, permission is
not always given. This restriction especially affects poor people,
who are unable to obtain such large amounts of money. In some
villages there have been no marriages at all during the last year
because of this restriction. There are also consistent reports of
young couples fleeing to Bangladesh because this is the only way for
them to get married. Once in Bangladesh it is very difficult for
them to return, as their names have often been removed from their
family list by the authorities.
arbitrary taxation at the hands of the authorities. These vary from
tax on collecting firewood and bamboo to fees for the registration
of deaths and births in the family lists, on livestock and fruit -
bearing trees, and even on football matches. The type of taxes and
the amounts people have to pay appear to be applied in an arbitrary
fashion and vary from place to place, depending on the local
authorities.
grains and on various agricultural products of Rohingya including
staple food, rice. In addition, shrimp tax, vegetable tax, animal or
bird tax (for cows, buffalos, goats, fowl), roof tax , house-
building or repair taxes, etc, are collected by force. Every
Rohingya who breeds either cattle or domestic livestock has to pay
certain amount for each and every item they possess. Every new born
or death of the above has to be reported paying a fee.
or woods in the jungles, fishing in the rivers and breeding animals
at homesteads from December 2002. A Rohingya family has to pay kyats
1500 when a new child is born and Kyat 1000 when a member dies, to
register it in their family list.
2500 per betal-nut tree and kyat 5000 per coconut tree. Na Sa Ka
authorities have appointed agents for every essential item and
warned the Rohingya not to sell their products directly except
through such agents. They are paid prices fixed by the Na Sa Ka,
which is usually one- third of the market price.
accused of breaking various regulations such as having been to
Bangladesh or failing to pay their taxes. If they can pay a sum of
money, which varies but is often extremely high, they can be
released.
Registration of Births and Deaths in Families
All Rohingya households are obliged to report any changes to the
family list to the authorities for the registration of births and
deaths in families. Rohingyas are forced to pay fees to the VPDC or
the Na Sa Ka. The amounts people have to pay to register births and
deaths are different from place to place and vary from 1000 to 8000
kyats. On some occasions people had to work for the authorities. The
sale of the cattle must also be registered and paid for.
women have had to register themselves in person at the nearest Na Sa
Ka camp, which may be some hours walk away from their village. Women
were asked to show their faces and their abdomens.
Deprivation of Right to Education
Since promulgation of new Burma Citizenship law in 1982, the
Rohingya students are denied the right to education. It becomes a
great problematic matter to pursue higher studies while professional
courses are barred to them. Rohingya students who stood in selection
tests and got formal admission in various institutions located in
Rangoon and Burma proper are unable to pursue their studies as they
are disallowed to travel. During recent years about 1500 students
have to stop their further studies.
of appearance in their supplementary examination as they were denied
issuing their travel documents to go to Sittwe by the authorities.
The reason given was that DPDC chairman was directed not to issue
any travel documents without the knowledge of the western Command
Commander Brig. General Maung Oo based in Ann town, Arakan State.
The ordinary Rohingya can hardly think of going to Sittwe where
Rohingya Students are sometimes allowed to travel with the special
travel permission from authorities under very much humiliating
conditions and by paying large sums of money. Furthermore, in
February 2005, the SPDC authorities had totally banned the Rohingya
students from going to University in Sittwee and Yangon.
While Arakan remained totally shut from outsiders, the Burmese
authorities has been carrying out a relentless torture and killing
campaign in Arakan particularly against the youths without putting
anyone on trail. Over 100 innocent Rohingyas have been killed during
last one year in different parts of Arakan. Hundreds of Rohingyas
are put behind the bar and are subjected to inhuman torture. They
are also used as human shields and are forced at gun point to act as
watchmen against any possible rebel attack.
on the increase. They are treated worse than slaves and are
subjected to severe beatings and random killings while pottering or
engaged in other works.
and Military Intelligence Chief, hundreds of Rohingya businessmen
have been arrested by the authorities alleging them as the
collaborators of his military intelligence or corrupt Na Sa Ka
officers.
injured by gun fire by Na Sa Ka at Inn Din Village of Maungdaw in
Arakan State. The men were fired by an army of the battalion No.233,
now as Na Sa Ka, while they were trying to flee from a boat in which
they were loading rice, goats, and fowls in a creek of Inn Din
Village and it was to be carried to Maungdaw town by sea.
Ahmed and Mohamed Meah 27 son of Mr.Ali Abbas while Abu Taher and
his sons were injured by bullets.All the dead and injured person
were hailed from Inn Din village.
NO.1. Constituency of Buthidaung Township Arakan State, U Kyaw Min
(a) Mr. Mohamed Shomshul Anwarul Hoque, 55, was arrested by the
authorities for unknown reason. He is an executive committee member
of National Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPHR), which is only
Rohingya political party with the winner seats in 1990 General
Elections. He is also a member of Committee for Representatives
Peoples Parliament (CRPP). He was picked up from his Rangoon home by
the Burmese military agent on 17th March 2005. Special Police agent
went to his house around midnight and told him to follow them for
some questions and then he was carried away by police car. His
family members do not able to trace his whereabouts.
Abuse of Rohingya Women and Elders
Rohingya women have become victims of rape, molestation and
dishonor, increasingly at the hands of security forces. They are not
allowed to wear hijab; their age of marriage is limited and is
subjected to forcible contraception. Many Rohingya women were
forcibly married by security forces and then left them away.
Rohingya women are compelled to stay in camps set up by the security
forces for so-called training where they are subjected to rape and
dishonor. Under various pretexts, the SPDC armed forces intruded the
houses of Rohingya villagers in odd times and seized and carried
away the women to their camps for unholy purpose. There were many
instances that women were raped in their houses before the very eyes
of the children or parents.
tortured and sometimes their beards are shaven off and are forced to
issue religious decree to allow un Islamic practices.
minority religions, restricting their educational, proselytizing and
Mosque building activities. Mosque buildings are totally banned
since 2000 in Arakans State while several existing Mosque and
madarasa were dismantle by Na Sa Ka. The Rohingyas religious houses
dismantling process is intensified recently in Arakan. In the first
week of September 2004, Col. Tun Tun Oo, the commander of the Na Sa
Ka sector No.6 of Maungdaw Township ordered the villagers of Zum
Baina to destroy the ancient Mosque of the village. The Na Sa Ka
arrested 3 members of Mosque committee for not complying the order
of Na Sa Ka. The arrestees are Zahir Ahmed, 56 son of Omer Abbass,
Molvi Zakaria son of Lukman Hakim and Abul Kasim 54, son of Tanda
Meah on 25th September 2004. However, they were released on 2nd
October after bribing Kyat 1.5 million to the concerned authorities.
But the order is not withdrawn yet and the Mosque still exists. This
is an ancient Mosque in the village built with concrete and roofed
with tin sheets.
Depopulation
Frequently, the Burmese military regime launches drive operations,
create communal riots, and make forced relocations to sweep of the
Rohingya population. With a view to controlling the birth rate of
the Rohingya, the women were pushed infertility injection by
coercion. At the time of marriage, the bridge has to undertake that
he will never do second marriage. But other minority groups are
exempted from these procedures. In Burma birth control is officially
discouraged and abortion is punishable offence. Yet SPDC is forcibly
applying this abhorrent method on Rohingya alone. Now the married
couples are strongly warned not to produce more then 3 children.
The Forgotten Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh
The Roingyas have faced continuing persecution by the military
government in Burma and have escaped to Bangladesh in large numbers,
with the biggest influx in 1991-1992 when about 270000 of them
crossed the border. Although many of these refugees have since then
been repatriated to Burma under the supervision of UNHCR, there are
still about 20000 refugees living in two camps in southern
Bangladesh. The refugees are completely dependent on UN and aid
agencies for food. In addition, an estimated 100,000 Rohingyas are
living illegally in Bangladesh without access to protection or
humanitarian assistance. Since economic opportunities in Bangladesh
are limited, the Rohingya outside of camps are not living in
Bangladesh for economic security, rather they are fleeing a history
of persecution and human rights abuses in their hearths and homes by
the Burmese government.
Rohingyas and made efforts to accommodate them. In recent years,
however, it has pushed for all refugees to be sent back to Burma and
has rejected any possibility of local reintegration for them.
Recently, the Government of Bangladesh, in order to improve economic
relations with Burmese military regime, has declared that the
remaining Rohingya refugees in the camps should be repatriated by
any mean. Meanwhile the military Government of Burma has not cleared
most of the refugees in the two camps for return and accuses them of
having contact with insurgents. The Burmese military regime has
created a complicated system of bureaucratic conditions and
procedures which make it very difficult for refugees to be cleared
and repatriated. Even though the Government of Bangladesh wants the
refugees to leave, there is a very slow rate of repatriation.
as bad as before, with restrictions on movement, forced labor,
violence and intimidation. They often have no choice but to reenter
Bangladesh. In last six months, over 1000 of those who have been
sent back to Burma have returned to Bangladesh.
Widespread violations of basic human rights against Rohingyas
population in Burma continue unabated at the hand of Burmese
military regime despite the presence of UNHCR officials. These
rights abuses are carried out severely in places not out of the
sight of UNHCR, but misleading and false propaganda are often
circulated to conceal the truth. One cheap propaganda is that the
Rohingyas are leaving Arakan for economic reasons. But the truth is
never spoken. In fact, there is no security of life, property,
honor, and dignity of the Rohingya. Extra-judicial killing and
summary executions, rape of women, arbitrary arrest and tortures,
forced labor, force relocation, confiscation of moveable and
immovable properties, religious sacrileges etc are regular
occurrences in Arakan.
discrimination affecting mainly the youths and work force. The
future of the community seems to be bleak. The exodus of Rohingya
into the Bangladesh is in cyclic order and is recurring again and
again. Any democratic changes in the country are expected to be a
breathing space for the Rohingya but not solution to their problems
as the democratic leaders and opposition forces of the country are
ambivalent towards Rohingya and are not accommodating to them on
democratic principles.
Appeal
To solve the Rohingya problem once and for all it needs a viable
political solution without which the Rohingyas will continue to be
battered over again and their problem will never end. To this
fact "Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan (BRAJ)" invites the
attention of the international community. The United Nations and
international community may be apprised that the ruling Burmese
military SPDC is a regime characterized by brutality, and is bent on
exterminating the Rohingya people from Arakan by using of force,
distorting their history, spreading malicious propaganda,
perpetrating genocide and grave human rights abuses against them.
Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan (BRAJ) appeal to the
international community for the following.
To explore a permanent solution to the outstanding Rohingya problem
within the frame work of international law, pacts, human rights and
other international practices;
bring them into line with international standards and recognize the
Rohingya people of Arakan as one of the indigenous nationalities and
therefore, natural citizens of Burma;
rights at par with other national groups of the country;
Rohingyas in Arakan State;
the total elimination of forced labor;
camps and elsewhere for their basic necessities. Those governments,
notably the United States, Japan, European Union countries, which
have contributed funds to the Rohingya refugee and repatriation
programmed, should encourage Bangladesh to continue allow refugees
to enjoy asylum.
human rights situation in Burma is improved and conditions are
created under which the Rohingyas could voluntarily return in safety
and dignity
governments working together through the United Nations Secretary
General's office in carrying out his mandate to ensure the
implementation of the General Assembly resolutions on Burma and the
work of the UN special Reporter to Burma, with particular attention
to the call for Burma to end forced labor and to amend it
citizenship law.
effect to its mandate in relation to persons who have been rendered
effectively stateless in Burma.
ensure that any return of Rohingya refugees in voluntary as well as
for access to those arriving in Bangladesh from Burma. In order to
allow refugees to make an informed decision about whether or not to
return, the UNHCR must regularly provide detailed and objective
information on the situation in Arakan including information
concerning human rights violation.
all political prisoners including recently detained prominent
Rohingya political leader U Kyaw Min and politicians implicated in
false crime cases in Arakan and in all Burma.
meaningful "Tripartite Dialogue" with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the
leader of the NLD and representative of the non-Burma ethnic
nationalities including Rohingyas of Arakan.
Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan( BRAJ)
e: mail: brajtokyo@yahoo.comThis email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it
The Kingdom of Bhutan is keen to present itself to the world as an enlightened place, embracing the concept of Gross National Happiness as the principle which guides its development. Its constitution, ratified in 2008, defines it as a democratic constitutional monarchy. The fifth King of the Wangchuk dynasty, Jigme Gesar Namgyel Wangchuk, will be crowned on November 6, 2008, as Bhutan celebrates the centenary of its monarchy. Bhutan prides itself on developing economically while attending to the protection of its fragile environment and the preservation of its rich cultural heritage.
Efforts to project a positive image mask the dark side of Bhutan's recent history.
More than one sixth of its population were forced into exile during the 1990s, making Bhutan one of the highest generators of refugees per capita in the world. 107,000 Bhutanese people, the majority of them of Nepalese origin, have been sheltered in refugee camps in south-eastern Nepal administered by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). An estimated 35,000 more Bhutanese live in Nepal, India, and elsewhere in the world.
Many people of Nepalese origin in Bhutan live in fear and insecurity, stateless in their own country because their citizenship status has been eroded. Many suffer discrimination if they have relatives living in the refugee camps. Behind the move to democracy lies the reality that thousands of Bhutanese people may not be able to benefit from the rights enshrined in Bhutan's new constitution. Behind the policy of protecting a rich cultural heritage lies the violent suppression of another culture in a homogenising effort to create "one nation, one people".
In 1993, the Bhutanese government promised to repatriate any Bhutanese citizens forced into exile. Since then, the authorities have taken measures to ensure that their promise will be difficult to fulfil. Lands owned and previously occupied by Bhutanese in exile have been redistributed.
The bilateral process between Bhutan and Nepal, instituted in 1993 to resolve the crisis, has so far failed to deliver a solution. In 2006, in the absence of any immediate prospect of repatriation to Bhutan, the US and other governments offered to give homes to Bhutanese refugees. The resettlement process began early in 2008, and by the end of September 5,300 people had been resettled, the majority in the US, and smaller numbers in Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand and Norway. While some 50,000 refugees have expressed interest in third country resettlement, others see it as eroding their right to return to their country and strongly oppose it.
The Bhutanese Prime Minister, Lyonchhen Jigmi Thinley, meeting with his Nepalese counterpart in September 2008, is reported as saying he will take initiatives towards finding a resolution to the refugee problem. Bhutan’s constitution gives the King extensive royal prerogatives. Perhaps King Jigme Gesar Namgyel Wangchuk will use them to expedite a just and peaceful solution to a festering problem.
www.bhutaneserefugees.com gives a history and background to the refugee crisis, and an overview of the efforts over the last fifteen years to find a durable solution. It looks at the current situation inside Bhutan, and gives voice to Bhutanese people living in America, Australia and Europe. It includes an interactive personal tour of the camps given by the young people involved in the Bhutanese Refugee Children’s Forum (BRCF).
PhotoVoice is an award-winning international charity and the only development organisation of its kind in Europe. Its projects empower some of the most disadvantaged groups in the world with photographic skills so that they can transform their lives. PhotoVoice has been running projects in the Bhutanese refugee camps since 1998. For further information please see www.photovoice.org or contact tiffany@photovoice.org
The Bhutanese Refugee Support Group (UK and Ireland) is a group of people who have lived and worked in Bhutan or the Bhutanese refugee camps in Nepal, or both. It exists to raise awareness and advocate a just resolution to the plight of the Bhutanese refugees, and to draw attention to the severe discrimination faced by people of Nepalese ethnicity in Bhutan.
Generic press release
The Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan boasts a reputation as the last bastion of Tibetan Buddhism in the world. With a spotless environmental record and eye-catching social policies such as Gross National Happiness, this small country has succeeded in projecting an image of itself as the 'last Shangri La' and an antidote to Western consumerism.
In recent years it has attracted a raft of celebrities and ethically-minded travellers, drawn to it in part by its natural beauty and exoticism, but also by recently-established luxury health spas charging up to $1000 a night.
But the deft management of its reputation by its king and ministers successfully obfuscates one of the world’s poorest human rights records, which has seen one sixth of its population forced to live as refugees in neighbouring Nepal. More than 106,000 Bhutanese live in camps in south eastern Nepal following a mass exodus in the early 1990s.
Expelled as part of an exercise in cultural preservation, the refugees are a Nepali-origin ethnic group known as the Lhotshampa, most of whom migrated to the southern lowlands of Bhutan in the late 19th century on the invitation of the Bhutanese government, which needed them to clear the malaria-infested jungles for agricultural purposes.
Incidents of rape, torture and false imprisonment were widely catalogued by human rights organisations during the 1990s, culminating in the coerced eviction of a large part of the Lhotshampa community. While the Government insists most of the refugees were illegal immigrants, the vast majority of them have documentation proving their citizenship.
In a verification process carried out in Khudunabari camp in Nepal in 2003, 75% of those screened were found to be eligible to return to Bhutan, albeit under adverse conditions. To date, the government of Bhutan has not fulfilled its obligation to welcome back these people.
In December 2006 King Jigme Singhe Wangchuk abdicated to make way for his son and Bhutan’s first democratic elections are scheduled for 2008 but it remains unclear whether the Lhotshmapa community will be permitted to participate on an equal footing.
The US government has offered to accommodate 60,000 of the refugees and other countries have expressed willingness to accept some thousands, but the refugee situation is still unresolved, and concerns remain for those who will be left behind in the camps and for the Lhotshampa still living in Bhutan.
By ADAM B. ELLICK
Published: December 2, 2008
CHAMTALA SETTLEMENT, Afghanistan — Only seven months ago, Allah Nazar, a 10-year-old paralyzed by polio, had a two-bedroom mud home and weekly appointments at a hospital in Pakistan, where he lived with his family of 13.
Now Nazar is homeless, living in the eastern Afghan desert 15 miles from Jalalabad, the provincial capital, sitting aimlessly in a wooden wheelbarrow, wondering if the imminent winter will be his last. Even his makeshift wheelchair is too wobbly for a simple joy ride along the rocky terrain.
“His condition is getting worse because of the cold weather and the lack of facilities and treatment,” said Abdul Wahab, a village elder and close friend of the boy’s family. “Are there any human rights here?”
An Afghan presidential decree guarantees refugees a “safe and dignified return.” But seven years into Afghanistan’s reconstruction effort, this is the reality playing out in and around Nangarhar Province. Here, 30,000 newly returned Afghans live on the brink of desperation in makeshift settlements like Chamtala.
Meanwhile, the government and international aid groups lack the capacity to shield them properly from the harsh Afghan winter that is swirling their way.
“Look at all these children,” said Nazar’s mother, Khwaga, cradling her newborn daughter. “They’re all suffering from flu. We don’t have a roof over our heads. We are tired of this hunger.”
Nazar and his family, who returned to Afghanistan in May, are among 3.5 million Afghans who have been repatriated from Pakistan since the Taliban were ousted in 2001, one of the largest refugee movements in recent history, according to the United Nations.
The flow of returnees has slowed since 2006. But here in the eastern part of the country, which has absorbed more than 60 percent of this year’s nearly 300,000 returnees, the situation is dire.
In a clear sign that life is untenable for many new arrivals, 40 percent of Afghan returnees left the nation again in 2007, citing insecurity and a lack of shelter and jobs, according to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission.
The government of Afghanistan, where the population has surged by 20 percent since 2001, is already strained by deteriorating security, a national food crisis and a lack of basic services like electricity, even in urban centers like Kabul.
“This is indeed one of the worst we can find,” said António Guterres, the United Nations high commissioner for refugees, who visited two camps in eastern Afghanistan in November. “These are the poorest of the poor, the most vulnerable of the vulnerable.”
Since the late 1970s, when the Soviet Union invaded, millions of Afghans have fled because of war. New generations of Afghans were born and married abroad, mainly in neighboring Pakistan and Iran, having never known their ancestral homeland.
In Pakistan, they lived in poor but industrious refugee settlements. Men held down manual-labor jobs, and most Afghans had homes, however spartan. Pakistan played host for decades. Although it still maintains dozens of camps, Pakistan closed two large camps in North-West Frontier Province near the Afghan border during the past 18 months, saying they had become sanctuaries for militant groups like Al Qaeda and the Taliban.
The nation’s largest camp, Jalozai, was closed in May, forcing 110,000 Afghans to choose between two bleak options: relocate within Pakistan or return home.
With Pakistan suffering from a food and fuel crisis, and with rent prices soaring in nearby cities like Peshawar, the answer was easy enough for 70 percent of them.
Nazar, the boy with polio, watched as bulldozers razed his school and house. Then, with $100 stipends given to his and the other families by the United Nations refugee office, Nazar and his relatives boarded a truck and three days later found themselves at this makeshift settlement.
“The Pakistan government forced us to leave,” said Mr. Wahab, the village elder.
And the Afghan government “has been stringing us along” with failed promises, he said.
International aid organizations, like the United Nations refugee office, Unicef and the World Food Program, have provided minimal services, like daily water tankers and plastic sheets for shelter. But the refugee office has already depleted its regional housing materials this year.
At an international refugee conference in Kabul in November, the Afghan Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation requested $528 million from donor countries to support reintegration. If granted, the money will come from the $22 billion Afghanistan National Development Strategy fund that begins in the spring of 2009.
Along the sidelines, refugee experts voiced frustration with the annual scramble by governments to offer assistance “as if winter comes by surprise,” as one refugee expert said.
With four ministers since 2001, the Afghan Refugee Ministry has hardly won the trust of international observers. Experts say it lacks the resources to put in place a crisis management plan. In the past year, two Afghan ministers were dismissed for the mishandling of refugee situations.
Chamtala is an example of such chaos. In June, the provincial government demarcated the camp for land allocation, but to date, only 600 of its 4,000 families have been granted plots.
During his visit, Mr. Guterres listened as layers of village elders surrounded him pleading for intervention. They said that even refugees fortunate enough for selection could not afford the $120 fee imposed by the government.
“We would prefer a more generous policy, but we also have to recognize the limited resources of the country,” Mr. Guterres said.
In most of the world, refugees in such desperate circumstances flock to urban slums, where job opportunities are more numerous, he said. But Afghans, who adhere to a strict brand of Islam, prefer secluded, walled-off homes that keep women out of public view.
Land is a delicate issue in decentralized Afghanistan. Tribes often maintain ownership of fertile land, especially amid the current drought.
At Chamtala, jobs are hard to find, and elders say the daily mobile health clinic is insufficient.
“There are 6,000 families here,” a village elder told Mr. Guterres. “If even one of us has an emergency, what should we do?”
If there is any hope for Chamtala, it may be in the example of Sheik Mesri New Township, a mud-walled refugee complex 40 minutes away where nearly all of the 6,000 plots have been granted to refugees who began settling there in late 2005.
International aid organizations built 80 water wells and provided materials and a labor stipend for refugees who built their own homes.
In a sign of progress, when village elders here had a chance to talk to Mr. Guterres, they brought up less-pressing issues, like electricity and garbage removal.
But it took three years to erect the community, and experts are not sure it can be replicated before more desperate returnees give up and leave again.